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Showing posts with label NBA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label NBA. Show all posts
Thursday, August 24, 2017
Telling It All Podcast - Kyrie Irving/Isaiah Thomas Trade, Fantasy Football, MLB and NFL Predictions
Topics Include: The Kyrie Irving Trade Saga (0:30). The Trade From The Cavaliers Perspective (2:45). The Trade From The Celtics Perspective (8:45). The Top Of The Eastern Conference (17:00). Players To Target In Earlier Rounds Of Fantasy Football (20:40). Players To Look For In Later Rounds (25:00). Fantasy Football Strategies (28:15). The LA Dodgers Playoff Outlook (32:40). AFC Divisional Predictions (36:20). NFC Divisional Predictions (40:25).
Soundcloud Podcast Homepage: https://soundcloud.com/ctellallsports
Thursday, July 6, 2017
Telling It All Podcast - NBA Free Agency, Mike and the Mad Dog
Topics Include: Team Building Through The Lens Of The Boston Celtics And Houston Rockets (1:50). Gordon Hayward Signing With The Celtics (13:35). NBA Teams Dealing With The Salary Cap (19:45). Paul George Going To The Oklahoma City Thunder (25:45). Paul Millsap Signing With The Denver Nuggets (28:12). Mike and the Mad Dog Stories (29:50).
Mike Francesca's rant in 2012 after the New York Mets were swept by the Colorado Rockies in a 4-game series in August.
Wednesday, March 1, 2017
The Sporting Body: Jack Johnson and Helen Wills to Odell Beckham and Brittney Griner - Part 3
This is the third part of a three part article on the evolution of masculinity, femininity, gender, and sexuality in sports.
Societal norms and behaviors are refracted through the sporting body, and athletics often act as a reflection of socially constructed representational politics. While sports can reproduce pre-existing gendered ideologies, external perceptions of the athletic body and its effect on gender specific self-consciousness also actively shapes discursive understandings of self-identity and transverse, or deepen, constructions of gendered athletic spheres.
Sports act as a representative medium for the formation of individual manhood, and the valorization of the heroic ethos allows for the construction of a glorification of the masculine body. Throughout history, sporting discourse has explored the sexualized classification of sporting figures, and how the gendered body of male athletes negotiates within, or functions against, underlying social understandings and pre-conceived perceptions of masculinity and sexuality. By constructing separate athletic spheres, males have inherently marginalized the self-identity of women through their sexualized objectification and their dissociation from masculine-defined sporting glorification and social agency.
Over time, individuals have gone from explicitly exploiting the sporting body in a systematic embrace of cultural manifestations of a gender specific self-identity to more implicitly policing any representations of a feminized sporting body that is not aligned with socially accepted heteronormative masculinity. While not beholden to a monolithic gendered classification, the culturally contrived and dictated formulation of the male sporting body has been used to codify masculinity and male dominance, while also being composed as a dichotomous construction to feminine sexualization and objectification.
In the contemporary sporting world, gender specific identity concerns have constructed a hetero-normative social order. During interviews at the NFL Combine, Atlanta Falcons assistant coach Marquand Manuel asked Ohio State cornerback prospect Eli Apple in an interview, “Do you like men?” The fundamental perverseness of the inquiry was the underlying connotation that it took a specific type of “manhood” to make it to the top in “manly sports.” The Falcons were attempting to ensure Apple’s compliance to a self-prescribed league dictum of the specific internal male testosterone needed to compete at the highest level. The question also implied that the basis of male sports was an attachment to a very specific type of sporting sphere, detached from any remnants of effeminacy or perceptions of physical or sexual weakness. It confirmed a sporting standard of thinking based upon the culturally constructed concept of patriarchal “hegemonic masculinity.”
Before NBA player Jason Collins came out as gay in 2013, he was recognized as one of the toughest players in the league, but after his announcement, he had to prove that his sexuality did not make him soft. Travis Waldron said Jason Collins had "to affirm that there isn’t a relationship between his sexuality and other signs of masculinity” because the league assumed that homosexuality was antagonistic to physical success.
The image of a specific type of manhood is so well imbedded into the fabric of the sporting culture that Odell Beckham lost his self-control after opposing players on the Carolina Panthers reportedly hurled gay slurs at him. In an attempt to defend his aggressive black masculinity from the stigma of any feminized traits, Odell reinforced an embodiment of strength and toughness by acting recklessly on the field. Michael Irvin defended Beckham, saying, “Everybody goes after him with gay slurs. He's a different kind of dude. He has the hairdo out, he's not the big muscular kind of dude... I can’t promise you that [I would have handle it correctly.] That is why they give you leniency for crimes for passion.” Irving justified Beckham’s actions through the notion that he had to conspicuously protect his manhood when he felt like the victim of an assault on his identity.
Beckham is a threat to conceptions of forceful black masculinity because he has dominated the league for two years (see: one-handed catch against the Cowboys), but he does not conform to masculine standards of athleticism off the field. Beckham is in videos all over the internet dancing with former LSU teammate Kavahra Holmes, he dyes his hair, and he had a moment when he was caught looking at teammate Landon Collins's butt. Rafi D’Angelo claimed in the magazine Slate, “We need more black men who aren’t afraid to live outside of the box of black masculinity built for us by society.” The Panthers players assumed that Beckham had to have a compromised sexuality because sports understanding of heterosexuality limits any expression beyond established norms. While Beckham's reckless actions during the game cannot be justified by what the Panthers players may have said to him before it, the bipolar masculine construct of not being able to "live outside the box" while still reproducing individual manhood was one of the reasons why Odell lashed out during the game.
Men
have constructed a social attitude towards the femininity of female athletes in
such a way as to reconstruct their own gendered self-understanding. Similar to how the NCAA created a construct of "student first, athlete second" to maintain their claims of amateurism, the
sexualization of female athletes has asserted “woman first, athlete second,”
and marginalized their place in the sports world relative to men. The dichotomous
construct between males and females in athletics has been challenged by the
dominance of women in sports who are perceived to be symbolic of masculinity.
However, Kate Fagan mentioned, “Women's basketball is maligned for not being as athletic as the men's game, but as women become more athletic, these players are often labeled as unfeminine, and therefore unwatchable.”
Brittany Griner is constantly referred to as a “man” or a “gorilla” because it gives the public a way to justify how her athleticism in a masculine space displaces her femininity and womanhood. Unlike how American tennis player Helen Wills was constructed as maintaining her “girlish beauty” in tennis because she ostensibly accepted her different sporting sphere, women like Griner have carved out a space in a masculine realm. Sporting discourse has had to aggressively assert her basketball ability as a product of a divergent feminine defect in her nature to reinforce perceptions of hegemonic masculinity.
Baylor University was happy to exploit Griner’s feats on the basketball court, but she could not discuss her homosexuality because the school wanted to maintain an image that did not transcend normative lines of sexuality. Waldron said that when Griner came out as gay, “it confirms the idea that a woman who succeeds in athletics does so because she’s breaking with expectations for women, both physically and sexually.” The reaction to Griner’s sexuality was muted because the public assumes female homosexuality in male sporting spheres, and that their success is a product of that masculinization. The connotation was that women could not conform to a gendered self-identity because of their sexuality, and that they could not maintain their athletic prowess and stay within the norm of femininity.
In 2013, hockey broadcaster Don Cherry said, "I don’t believe women should be in the male dressing room.... I don't feel women are equal. I feel they’re above us. I think they're on a pedestal and they should not be walking in when naked guys are walking in. And some guys take advantage of it.” Cherry showed the subconscious male need to concretely separate the masculine athletic sphere from any female involvement. He reinforced the public’s conception of a possible female obstruction to manhood, and argued for unequal access to the male sporting body between the genders, even though excluding female media members from male locker rooms would subvert their ability to carry out their job. Cherry represented the way in which men trivialized the female role in the sporting community to reinforce sports as a “men’s game,” and propagated protectionism over the locker room as an impenetrable masculinized domain of power for a gendered superiority.
Men are not always comfortable with women who exceed their sporting knowledge because it acts as an affront to their masculine identification within the athletic arena. For example, on a Fox Sports Radio morning show, Mike North said, "Jessica Mendoza is the worst baseball announcer who has ever announced the game of baseball. Now, if you want to call me a sexist, go ahead. But I'm an observer." While North should not be precluded from judging Mendoza's performance just as he critiqued Dennis Miller and Tony Kornheiser's jobs on Monday Night Football, he gave no actual evidence as to why Mendoza was so terrible at her job. North implied that Miller and Kornheiser were not good analysts because of the content of their message to the audience, but his dislike of Mendoza came off as a mere function of her gender without further explanation of his point.
All sports media members, but specifically women, are subjected to abuse from people on social media. Sarah Spain, a columnist for ESPN, reflected how she receives tweets every day like “Why don’t you take your top off and just make me lunch,” showing that women are not welcomed into masculine spaces and athletic spheres.
Through the prism of sports, external perceptions of the athletic body and its symbolic effect on a gender specific self-consciousness can be acutely examined. Sports act as a representative medium for the formation of masculinity, and to reproduce understandings of self-identity. Gender concretizations have constructed separate athletic spheres for males and females to avoid a pluralistic understanding of sexuality. The male sporting body has been used as a symbolic codification of masculinity, and male dominance is portrayed as a conspicuous foil to feminine sexualization and objectification.
Societal norms and behaviors are refracted through the sporting body, and athletics often act as a reflection of socially constructed representational politics. While sports can reproduce pre-existing gendered ideologies, external perceptions of the athletic body and its effect on gender specific self-consciousness also actively shapes discursive understandings of self-identity and transverse, or deepen, constructions of gendered athletic spheres.
Sports act as a representative medium for the formation of individual manhood, and the valorization of the heroic ethos allows for the construction of a glorification of the masculine body. Throughout history, sporting discourse has explored the sexualized classification of sporting figures, and how the gendered body of male athletes negotiates within, or functions against, underlying social understandings and pre-conceived perceptions of masculinity and sexuality. By constructing separate athletic spheres, males have inherently marginalized the self-identity of women through their sexualized objectification and their dissociation from masculine-defined sporting glorification and social agency.
Over time, individuals have gone from explicitly exploiting the sporting body in a systematic embrace of cultural manifestations of a gender specific self-identity to more implicitly policing any representations of a feminized sporting body that is not aligned with socially accepted heteronormative masculinity. While not beholden to a monolithic gendered classification, the culturally contrived and dictated formulation of the male sporting body has been used to codify masculinity and male dominance, while also being composed as a dichotomous construction to feminine sexualization and objectification.
In the contemporary sporting world, gender specific identity concerns have constructed a hetero-normative social order. During interviews at the NFL Combine, Atlanta Falcons assistant coach Marquand Manuel asked Ohio State cornerback prospect Eli Apple in an interview, “Do you like men?” The fundamental perverseness of the inquiry was the underlying connotation that it took a specific type of “manhood” to make it to the top in “manly sports.” The Falcons were attempting to ensure Apple’s compliance to a self-prescribed league dictum of the specific internal male testosterone needed to compete at the highest level. The question also implied that the basis of male sports was an attachment to a very specific type of sporting sphere, detached from any remnants of effeminacy or perceptions of physical or sexual weakness. It confirmed a sporting standard of thinking based upon the culturally constructed concept of patriarchal “hegemonic masculinity.”
Before NBA player Jason Collins came out as gay in 2013, he was recognized as one of the toughest players in the league, but after his announcement, he had to prove that his sexuality did not make him soft. Travis Waldron said Jason Collins had "to affirm that there isn’t a relationship between his sexuality and other signs of masculinity” because the league assumed that homosexuality was antagonistic to physical success.
The image of a specific type of manhood is so well imbedded into the fabric of the sporting culture that Odell Beckham lost his self-control after opposing players on the Carolina Panthers reportedly hurled gay slurs at him. In an attempt to defend his aggressive black masculinity from the stigma of any feminized traits, Odell reinforced an embodiment of strength and toughness by acting recklessly on the field. Michael Irvin defended Beckham, saying, “Everybody goes after him with gay slurs. He's a different kind of dude. He has the hairdo out, he's not the big muscular kind of dude... I can’t promise you that [I would have handle it correctly.] That is why they give you leniency for crimes for passion.” Irving justified Beckham’s actions through the notion that he had to conspicuously protect his manhood when he felt like the victim of an assault on his identity.
Carolina Panthers players taunted Odell Beckham before the game with a bat and possibly homophobic comments.
Beckham is a threat to conceptions of forceful black masculinity because he has dominated the league for two years (see: one-handed catch against the Cowboys), but he does not conform to masculine standards of athleticism off the field. Beckham is in videos all over the internet dancing with former LSU teammate Kavahra Holmes, he dyes his hair, and he had a moment when he was caught looking at teammate Landon Collins's butt. Rafi D’Angelo claimed in the magazine Slate, “We need more black men who aren’t afraid to live outside of the box of black masculinity built for us by society.” The Panthers players assumed that Beckham had to have a compromised sexuality because sports understanding of heterosexuality limits any expression beyond established norms. While Beckham's reckless actions during the game cannot be justified by what the Panthers players may have said to him before it, the bipolar masculine construct of not being able to "live outside the box" while still reproducing individual manhood was one of the reasons why Odell lashed out during the game.
Odell Beckham was suspended for a game after his misconduct against the Panthers.
Brittany Griner is constantly referred to as a “man” or a “gorilla” because it gives the public a way to justify how her athleticism in a masculine space displaces her femininity and womanhood. Unlike how American tennis player Helen Wills was constructed as maintaining her “girlish beauty” in tennis because she ostensibly accepted her different sporting sphere, women like Griner have carved out a space in a masculine realm. Sporting discourse has had to aggressively assert her basketball ability as a product of a divergent feminine defect in her nature to reinforce perceptions of hegemonic masculinity.
Baylor University was happy to exploit Griner’s feats on the basketball court, but she could not discuss her homosexuality because the school wanted to maintain an image that did not transcend normative lines of sexuality. Waldron said that when Griner came out as gay, “it confirms the idea that a woman who succeeds in athletics does so because she’s breaking with expectations for women, both physically and sexually.” The reaction to Griner’s sexuality was muted because the public assumes female homosexuality in male sporting spheres, and that their success is a product of that masculinization. The connotation was that women could not conform to a gendered self-identity because of their sexuality, and that they could not maintain their athletic prowess and stay within the norm of femininity.
In 2013, hockey broadcaster Don Cherry said, "I don’t believe women should be in the male dressing room.... I don't feel women are equal. I feel they’re above us. I think they're on a pedestal and they should not be walking in when naked guys are walking in. And some guys take advantage of it.” Cherry showed the subconscious male need to concretely separate the masculine athletic sphere from any female involvement. He reinforced the public’s conception of a possible female obstruction to manhood, and argued for unequal access to the male sporting body between the genders, even though excluding female media members from male locker rooms would subvert their ability to carry out their job. Cherry represented the way in which men trivialized the female role in the sporting community to reinforce sports as a “men’s game,” and propagated protectionism over the locker room as an impenetrable masculinized domain of power for a gendered superiority.
Don Cherry commenting on women in the NHL locker room, which just made Ron MacLean cringe.
Men are not always comfortable with women who exceed their sporting knowledge because it acts as an affront to their masculine identification within the athletic arena. For example, on a Fox Sports Radio morning show, Mike North said, "Jessica Mendoza is the worst baseball announcer who has ever announced the game of baseball. Now, if you want to call me a sexist, go ahead. But I'm an observer." While North should not be precluded from judging Mendoza's performance just as he critiqued Dennis Miller and Tony Kornheiser's jobs on Monday Night Football, he gave no actual evidence as to why Mendoza was so terrible at her job. North implied that Miller and Kornheiser were not good analysts because of the content of their message to the audience, but his dislike of Mendoza came off as a mere function of her gender without further explanation of his point.
All sports media members, but specifically women, are subjected to abuse from people on social media. Sarah Spain, a columnist for ESPN, reflected how she receives tweets every day like “Why don’t you take your top off and just make me lunch,” showing that women are not welcomed into masculine spaces and athletic spheres.
The online video campaign "More Than Mean" highlighted the harassment of women in the sports world on social media.
Through the prism of sports, external perceptions of the athletic body and its symbolic effect on a gender specific self-consciousness can be acutely examined. Sports act as a representative medium for the formation of masculinity, and to reproduce understandings of self-identity. Gender concretizations have constructed separate athletic spheres for males and females to avoid a pluralistic understanding of sexuality. The male sporting body has been used as a symbolic codification of masculinity, and male dominance is portrayed as a conspicuous foil to feminine sexualization and objectification.
Sunday, February 26, 2017
The Sporting Body: Jack Johnson and Helen Wills to Odell Beckham and Brittney Griner - Part 2
This is the second part of a three part article on the evolution of masculinity, femininity, gender, and sexuality in sports.
Societal norms and behaviors are refracted through the sporting body, and athletics often act as a reflection of socially constructed representational politics. While sports can reproduce pre-existing gendered ideologies, external perceptions of the athletic body and its effect on gender specific self-consciousness also actively shapes discursive understandings of self-identity and transverse, or deepen, constructions of gendered athletic spheres.
Sports act as a representative medium for the formation of individual manhood, and the valorization of the heroic ethos allows for the construction of a glorification of the masculine body. Throughout history, sporting discourse has explored the sexualized classification of sporting figures, and how the gendered body of male athletes negotiates within, or functions against, underlying social understandings and pre-conceived perceptions of masculinity and sexuality. By constructing separate athletic spheres, males have inherently marginalized the self-identity of women through their sexualized objectification and their dissociation from masculine-defined sporting glorification and social agency.
Over time, individuals have gone from explicitly exploiting the sporting body in a systematic embrace of cultural manifestations of a gender specific self-identity to more implicitly policing any representations of a feminized sporting body that is not aligned with socially accepted heteronormative masculinity. While not beholden to a monolithic gendered classification, the culturally contrived and dictated formulation of the male sporting body has been used to codify masculinity and male dominance, while also being composed as a dichotomous construction to feminine sexualization and objectification.
The growth of the NFL in mid-century America contributed to how the league created a public image based upon its masculine qualities of toughness and stoic resolve. Especially during the 1950s and 1960s, consumers derived their identity from the things they consumed, the games they attended, and the sports that they listened to on radio or watched on television. The NFL took off after the Colts and Giants squared off in "The Greatest Game Ever Player" in 1958, and it continued to expand in large part because of the marketing brilliance of NFL Commissioner Pete Rozelle. Rozelle even won the "Sports Illustrated Sportsperson of the Year" in 1963 for crying out loud (I'm sure Sepp Blatter wanted that recognition, so instead he made just made his own movie).
In Jeffrey Montez's Discipline and Indulgence, he mentioned, “Football broadcasting opens up a safe and unquestionably heterosexual public space for the scopophilic pleasure of looking at football heroes whose masculinity is heavily fortified.” The NFL very consciously branded the league as a social institution that embodies raw emotion and manhood, and as a sport that glamorizes acts of controlled savagery within the game,. Therefore, consumers could identify with a masculine self-conception through their interaction with football. Male football fans implicitly took on the characteristics of the players and coaches that they followed on the field because of their desire to become associated with the heroic imagery of the game. Men internalized the actions they saw on Sundays and externally protracted them onto mass society as tangible evidence of their masculinity.
Travis Vogan added in Keepers of the Flame: NFL Films and the Rise of Sports Media, “Big Game America [an NFL Film] suggests the NFL has always signified the same uniquely American qualities and that those characteristics reached full force during the 1960's.” By connecting the NFL with traditional American values, becoming a fan of the league was a performance of a gendered and nationalized citizenship, and inherent in that fandom was a devout acceptance of the striking masculinity of the game and the brutal physicality of players like Bears linebacker Dick Butkus, the "Secretary of Defense" Deacon Jones, and Packers legend Ray Nitschke. NFL Films consciously told a story that glorified their subject to compel the viewer to a conception of mythic athletic paradigms. Michael Oriard added in Brand NFL: Making and Selling America's Favorite Sport, “NFL Films has sustained a sense of mythic grandeur in decidedly anti-mythic times,” and these stories reproduced the sporting spectacle to create an athletic pageantry infused with a masculine narrative of success.
Male sporting fans that watched live games or football documentaries were objectified through their subjugation to a narrowly contrived heteronormative, gendered identity of fandom. Montez said, “This [television] genre produced male sports fans as crucial objects of their technical narratives, but objects all the same.” Fans consumed sports through specifically delineated sporting spheres, but male sports fans closely followed an externally constructed media imagery that objectified their experience because it allowed them to continually reproduce their masculinity.
The monolithic representation of masculinity in the Lombardi 60's was challenged in the early 1970s, when the introduction of Title IX broke down the unequal access to sports for men and women. Despite having some long-term unintended consequences (programs like Towson soccer and Delaware track and field have been cut by schools in part because of the need for proportional representation in athletics between men and women), Title IX initially facilitated a more democratized female representation in athletic competitions. Much like how white men in 1974 may have seen Hank Aaron passing Babe Ruth as the baseball home run king as a form of racial displacement, some men felt that female sporting involvement was a remnant of gender displacement. As women were given a larger sense of possibility within the sporting domain, their more sprawling inclusion into athletics at the collegiate and professional level was depicted as a direct challenge to masculine sporting control. Bille Jean King playing and beating Bobby Riggs in the famous "Battle of the Sexes" tennis match in 1973, Janet Guthrie racing in both the Dayton 500 and the Indianapolis 500 in 1977, and Lusia Harris being drafted in 1977 by the New Orleans Jazz challenged traditional assumptions of gendered athletic spheres and posed a threat to a man's sense of self.
Unlike in the 1920s, when women were readily excluded from masculine sporting arenas, Title IX forced men to find new, deft ways beyond mere exclusionary practices if they wanted to continue to subvert female empowerment and reproduce their masculinity through sports. Therefore, sporting discourse created a narrative where unlike the male gender, which could be safely assumed, women often compromised their gender and masculinized their self-identity through steroid use to achieve success. Susan Cahn said, “There is a charge that women athletes must ‘sacrifice their sex’ to succeed in high-level competition. Strength, skill, and victory remain firmly wedded to masculinity.” The institutional resistance to female athleticism gave credence to the belief that sporting success was confined to masculine characteristics, and that the bastardization of the female form was the only way for women to reach athletic stardom.
Cahn added, “The fear of lesbianism operates to police women’s behavior within the world of sport.” Female athletes had their sexuality, and their bodies, regulated in order to ensure that they embodied a male-prescribed femininity. In this way, athletic women would not disturb sexualized gender lines and would uphold a differentiated gendered order between themselves and men.
Moreover, to preserve sports as a male-dominated spectacle, men maintained control of female sporting resources and leadership opportunities to ensure that women did not exceed the strict confines of their new sporting freedom. An article in Sports Illustrated by Kenny Moore in 1988 proclaimed, “To bear Bob Kersee tell it, Jackie [Joyner-Kersee] has to be horsewhipped by her husband to run any distance. To hear Al Joyner tell it, Florence [Griffith Joyner] has to be reined in.” Sports discourse constructed an ideology in which Jackie and her sister-in-law Florence had to be regulated by the actions of males. Their success - Jackie winning Gold at the 1988 Seoul Olympics in the Heptathlon and Long Jump and Gold again in the Heptathlon in the 1992 games in Barcelona and Flo-Jo winning gold at the 1988 Soul Olympics in the 100m, 200m, and 4x100m relay and setting the World record in both individual events - was a product of male control of their bodies and the taming of their natural female instinctiveness.
While social institutions created a changing edifice of masculinity, men used the athletic sphere to preserve their social position. However, although masculinity had a cross-racial basis as it attacked new forms of female sporting activity, differing racial conceptions of manhood still persisted through the 1970s and into the 1980s and 1990s. Masculinity was defined by its plurality, especially as it transposed itself along different racial lines, and black masculinity was forced to straddle a complex identity paradox between hyper-masculinity and effeminacy because of external stereotypes.
While Denis Rodman was a flamboyant figure who dyed his hair and had tattoos all over his body, he was only allowed to transcend a gendered self-identity and still maintain his cultural popularity because he was steeped in masculine attributes. In her journal article "Who's Afraid of Shaq Attaq? Constructions of Black Masculinity and the NBA," Eva Boesenberg said, “Rodman’s transgression of gendered dress codes, I would argue, does not signify a critique of established gender roles, but a more general delight in the violation of rules." Rodman could wear a dress to a weeding and claim that he was bisexual and marry himself, and still be beloved by male fans because his behavior could be explained as part of his rebellious and non-conformist persona.
Boesenberg added, "Such ego-tripping is rather firmly wedded to historical forms of outlaw masculinity.” Rodman’s individual self-hood was defined by his rebellious masculinity, and therefore, his feminine qualities were viewed as manifestations of what Bosenberg described as a performance of "outlaw masculinity." On the floor, Rodman, a back-to-back Defensive Player of the Year Award winner with the Pistons in 1990-1991, was as tough as nails, dominated the boards, and even kicked a cameraman in the groin for getting in his way. Rodman's off-court antics were classified as an extension of him "just being as bad as he wanted to be," but his on-court toughness allowed him to maintain his place within normative male conceptions of sports.
Meanwhile, Shaquille O’Neal’s fun loving on and off the court behavior gave him a considerable following among white fans that saw him as an innocuous black giant. Eva Boesenberg said, “Shaq Attaq is strangely sexless… Shaq’s image responds to specific ways in which black masculinity is perceived as threatening.” Shaq represented a black athletic duality because while he was ostensibly hyper-masculine as a dominant and imposing big man (the man averaged 29.7 points and 13.6 rebounds per game in his MVP season in 1999-2000), his asexual and harmless nature allowed him to transcend white racial fears of blackness. Even on the floor, as he was dominating opposing teams during his Lakers years from 1996-2004, Shaq embraced the performative aspects of the game.
However, Shaq was only accepted as one of the game’s most marketable figures by corporate America because he seemed to not embrace the stereotypical images of black culture that were seen by the mainstream middle class as unacceptable forms of self-expressionism. Shaq was so goofy and playful that it gave him a space within mainstream culture.
Societal norms and behaviors are refracted through the sporting body, and athletics often act as a reflection of socially constructed representational politics. While sports can reproduce pre-existing gendered ideologies, external perceptions of the athletic body and its effect on gender specific self-consciousness also actively shapes discursive understandings of self-identity and transverse, or deepen, constructions of gendered athletic spheres.
Sports act as a representative medium for the formation of individual manhood, and the valorization of the heroic ethos allows for the construction of a glorification of the masculine body. Throughout history, sporting discourse has explored the sexualized classification of sporting figures, and how the gendered body of male athletes negotiates within, or functions against, underlying social understandings and pre-conceived perceptions of masculinity and sexuality. By constructing separate athletic spheres, males have inherently marginalized the self-identity of women through their sexualized objectification and their dissociation from masculine-defined sporting glorification and social agency.
Over time, individuals have gone from explicitly exploiting the sporting body in a systematic embrace of cultural manifestations of a gender specific self-identity to more implicitly policing any representations of a feminized sporting body that is not aligned with socially accepted heteronormative masculinity. While not beholden to a monolithic gendered classification, the culturally contrived and dictated formulation of the male sporting body has been used to codify masculinity and male dominance, while also being composed as a dichotomous construction to feminine sexualization and objectification.
The growth of the NFL in mid-century America contributed to how the league created a public image based upon its masculine qualities of toughness and stoic resolve. Especially during the 1950s and 1960s, consumers derived their identity from the things they consumed, the games they attended, and the sports that they listened to on radio or watched on television. The NFL took off after the Colts and Giants squared off in "The Greatest Game Ever Player" in 1958, and it continued to expand in large part because of the marketing brilliance of NFL Commissioner Pete Rozelle. Rozelle even won the "Sports Illustrated Sportsperson of the Year" in 1963 for crying out loud (I'm sure Sepp Blatter wanted that recognition, so instead he made just made his own movie).
In Jeffrey Montez's Discipline and Indulgence, he mentioned, “Football broadcasting opens up a safe and unquestionably heterosexual public space for the scopophilic pleasure of looking at football heroes whose masculinity is heavily fortified.” The NFL very consciously branded the league as a social institution that embodies raw emotion and manhood, and as a sport that glamorizes acts of controlled savagery within the game,. Therefore, consumers could identify with a masculine self-conception through their interaction with football. Male football fans implicitly took on the characteristics of the players and coaches that they followed on the field because of their desire to become associated with the heroic imagery of the game. Men internalized the actions they saw on Sundays and externally protracted them onto mass society as tangible evidence of their masculinity.
Travis Vogan added in Keepers of the Flame: NFL Films and the Rise of Sports Media, “Big Game America [an NFL Film] suggests the NFL has always signified the same uniquely American qualities and that those characteristics reached full force during the 1960's.” By connecting the NFL with traditional American values, becoming a fan of the league was a performance of a gendered and nationalized citizenship, and inherent in that fandom was a devout acceptance of the striking masculinity of the game and the brutal physicality of players like Bears linebacker Dick Butkus, the "Secretary of Defense" Deacon Jones, and Packers legend Ray Nitschke. NFL Films consciously told a story that glorified their subject to compel the viewer to a conception of mythic athletic paradigms. Michael Oriard added in Brand NFL: Making and Selling America's Favorite Sport, “NFL Films has sustained a sense of mythic grandeur in decidedly anti-mythic times,” and these stories reproduced the sporting spectacle to create an athletic pageantry infused with a masculine narrative of success.
The gladiatorial music played during NFL Films infused the players with a heroic sporting ethos.
Male sporting fans that watched live games or football documentaries were objectified through their subjugation to a narrowly contrived heteronormative, gendered identity of fandom. Montez said, “This [television] genre produced male sports fans as crucial objects of their technical narratives, but objects all the same.” Fans consumed sports through specifically delineated sporting spheres, but male sports fans closely followed an externally constructed media imagery that objectified their experience because it allowed them to continually reproduce their masculinity.
Vince Lombardi was the representative
archetype for how masculine stoicism and order could act as the forces to counteract
any uncertain masculine ideals in American society. As people in the U.S. began
to face the countercultural and anti-establishment movements of the rebellious
and often very cynical 1960s, especially during the latter part of the decade in response to the Vietnam War, Lombardi represented a stabilizing presence that men could
turn to as an affirmation of their masculine authority.
Lombardi was a coach that identified masculine forcefulness, violence, and discipline as the primary tools for success in the NFL in an almost Nietzschean “will to power.” Oriard reflected, “Lombardi football was a violent game, to be played violently without apology; it was rugged and old fashioned. He had no use for fancy formations and tricks on offense.” The style of football of Lombardi’s Packers, and the famous "Lombardi sweep play" that Green Bay ran to set up half-backs Paul Hornung and Jim Taylor for long runs, were representative of how he wanted his teams to force their will on their opponents and run right through them. His football philosophy demonstrated a societal thinking along masculine-defined lines, where whichever team had the manly “will to victory” would come out victorious.
In his article "On Miles Davis, Vince Lombardi, and the Crisis of Masculinity in Mid-Century America," Gerald Early said, “Lombardi represented a male desire for dominance in a democratic framework, largely centered on white ethnic, blue-collar virtues of masculinity as strength, stoicism, and loyalty: a deliberate reinscription of the democratic male heroism of WWII.” Lombardi was representative of a masculine urge to impose male order and authority upon those around them. Early showed that by Lombardi wanting his players to be the physical manifestation of soldiers in war, football acted as a testing ground for their masculinity, the athletic equivalent of violent warfare.
Early added, that Lombardi’s "worship of authority, order, and the soil of tradition had the seeds of a fascist urge.” Lombardi’s authoritarian leadership style, much like a military commander, conscripted his players to a narrowly defined manhood. He restricted the different ways that his men could define their self-identity by making it seem as though manhood could only come about through the enforcement of one’s will onto others. His Packers won 5 NFL Championships (1961-1962, 1965-1967), including the league's first two Super Bowls against the Chiefs and Raiders respectively, behind his mantra of toughness and domination of an opposing force.
Lombardi was a coach that identified masculine forcefulness, violence, and discipline as the primary tools for success in the NFL in an almost Nietzschean “will to power.” Oriard reflected, “Lombardi football was a violent game, to be played violently without apology; it was rugged and old fashioned. He had no use for fancy formations and tricks on offense.” The style of football of Lombardi’s Packers, and the famous "Lombardi sweep play" that Green Bay ran to set up half-backs Paul Hornung and Jim Taylor for long runs, were representative of how he wanted his teams to force their will on their opponents and run right through them. His football philosophy demonstrated a societal thinking along masculine-defined lines, where whichever team had the manly “will to victory” would come out victorious.
Vince Lombardi's famous power sweep play.
In his article "On Miles Davis, Vince Lombardi, and the Crisis of Masculinity in Mid-Century America," Gerald Early said, “Lombardi represented a male desire for dominance in a democratic framework, largely centered on white ethnic, blue-collar virtues of masculinity as strength, stoicism, and loyalty: a deliberate reinscription of the democratic male heroism of WWII.” Lombardi was representative of a masculine urge to impose male order and authority upon those around them. Early showed that by Lombardi wanting his players to be the physical manifestation of soldiers in war, football acted as a testing ground for their masculinity, the athletic equivalent of violent warfare.
Early added, that Lombardi’s "worship of authority, order, and the soil of tradition had the seeds of a fascist urge.” Lombardi’s authoritarian leadership style, much like a military commander, conscripted his players to a narrowly defined manhood. He restricted the different ways that his men could define their self-identity by making it seem as though manhood could only come about through the enforcement of one’s will onto others. His Packers won 5 NFL Championships (1961-1962, 1965-1967), including the league's first two Super Bowls against the Chiefs and Raiders respectively, behind his mantra of toughness and domination of an opposing force.
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| Vince Lombardi's authoritarian nature defined his tough coaching style. |
The monolithic representation of masculinity in the Lombardi 60's was challenged in the early 1970s, when the introduction of Title IX broke down the unequal access to sports for men and women. Despite having some long-term unintended consequences (programs like Towson soccer and Delaware track and field have been cut by schools in part because of the need for proportional representation in athletics between men and women), Title IX initially facilitated a more democratized female representation in athletic competitions. Much like how white men in 1974 may have seen Hank Aaron passing Babe Ruth as the baseball home run king as a form of racial displacement, some men felt that female sporting involvement was a remnant of gender displacement. As women were given a larger sense of possibility within the sporting domain, their more sprawling inclusion into athletics at the collegiate and professional level was depicted as a direct challenge to masculine sporting control. Bille Jean King playing and beating Bobby Riggs in the famous "Battle of the Sexes" tennis match in 1973, Janet Guthrie racing in both the Dayton 500 and the Indianapolis 500 in 1977, and Lusia Harris being drafted in 1977 by the New Orleans Jazz challenged traditional assumptions of gendered athletic spheres and posed a threat to a man's sense of self.
Unlike in the 1920s, when women were readily excluded from masculine sporting arenas, Title IX forced men to find new, deft ways beyond mere exclusionary practices if they wanted to continue to subvert female empowerment and reproduce their masculinity through sports. Therefore, sporting discourse created a narrative where unlike the male gender, which could be safely assumed, women often compromised their gender and masculinized their self-identity through steroid use to achieve success. Susan Cahn said, “There is a charge that women athletes must ‘sacrifice their sex’ to succeed in high-level competition. Strength, skill, and victory remain firmly wedded to masculinity.” The institutional resistance to female athleticism gave credence to the belief that sporting success was confined to masculine characteristics, and that the bastardization of the female form was the only way for women to reach athletic stardom.
Cahn added, “The fear of lesbianism operates to police women’s behavior within the world of sport.” Female athletes had their sexuality, and their bodies, regulated in order to ensure that they embodied a male-prescribed femininity. In this way, athletic women would not disturb sexualized gender lines and would uphold a differentiated gendered order between themselves and men.
Moreover, to preserve sports as a male-dominated spectacle, men maintained control of female sporting resources and leadership opportunities to ensure that women did not exceed the strict confines of their new sporting freedom. An article in Sports Illustrated by Kenny Moore in 1988 proclaimed, “To bear Bob Kersee tell it, Jackie [Joyner-Kersee] has to be horsewhipped by her husband to run any distance. To hear Al Joyner tell it, Florence [Griffith Joyner] has to be reined in.” Sports discourse constructed an ideology in which Jackie and her sister-in-law Florence had to be regulated by the actions of males. Their success - Jackie winning Gold at the 1988 Seoul Olympics in the Heptathlon and Long Jump and Gold again in the Heptathlon in the 1992 games in Barcelona and Flo-Jo winning gold at the 1988 Soul Olympics in the 100m, 200m, and 4x100m relay and setting the World record in both individual events - was a product of male control of their bodies and the taming of their natural female instinctiveness.
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| Flo-Jo (left) and Jackie (right) often dealt with external figures trying to police their actions. |
While social institutions created a changing edifice of masculinity, men used the athletic sphere to preserve their social position. However, although masculinity had a cross-racial basis as it attacked new forms of female sporting activity, differing racial conceptions of manhood still persisted through the 1970s and into the 1980s and 1990s. Masculinity was defined by its plurality, especially as it transposed itself along different racial lines, and black masculinity was forced to straddle a complex identity paradox between hyper-masculinity and effeminacy because of external stereotypes.
While Denis Rodman was a flamboyant figure who dyed his hair and had tattoos all over his body, he was only allowed to transcend a gendered self-identity and still maintain his cultural popularity because he was steeped in masculine attributes. In her journal article "Who's Afraid of Shaq Attaq? Constructions of Black Masculinity and the NBA," Eva Boesenberg said, “Rodman’s transgression of gendered dress codes, I would argue, does not signify a critique of established gender roles, but a more general delight in the violation of rules." Rodman could wear a dress to a weeding and claim that he was bisexual and marry himself, and still be beloved by male fans because his behavior could be explained as part of his rebellious and non-conformist persona.
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| Dennis Rodman married himself to promote his book Bad As I Wanna Be. |
Boesenberg added, "Such ego-tripping is rather firmly wedded to historical forms of outlaw masculinity.” Rodman’s individual self-hood was defined by his rebellious masculinity, and therefore, his feminine qualities were viewed as manifestations of what Bosenberg described as a performance of "outlaw masculinity." On the floor, Rodman, a back-to-back Defensive Player of the Year Award winner with the Pistons in 1990-1991, was as tough as nails, dominated the boards, and even kicked a cameraman in the groin for getting in his way. Rodman's off-court antics were classified as an extension of him "just being as bad as he wanted to be," but his on-court toughness allowed him to maintain his place within normative male conceptions of sports.
Dennis Rodman was suspended 11 games in 1997 for kicking cameraman Eugene Amos during a game in Minnesota.
Meanwhile, Shaquille O’Neal’s fun loving on and off the court behavior gave him a considerable following among white fans that saw him as an innocuous black giant. Eva Boesenberg said, “Shaq Attaq is strangely sexless… Shaq’s image responds to specific ways in which black masculinity is perceived as threatening.” Shaq represented a black athletic duality because while he was ostensibly hyper-masculine as a dominant and imposing big man (the man averaged 29.7 points and 13.6 rebounds per game in his MVP season in 1999-2000), his asexual and harmless nature allowed him to transcend white racial fears of blackness. Even on the floor, as he was dominating opposing teams during his Lakers years from 1996-2004, Shaq embraced the performative aspects of the game.
Shaq discovering that his left-hand "is alive."
Tuesday, February 7, 2017
Telling It All Podcast With Ben Goodman - Patriots-Falcons Super Bowl LI Recap
Topics Include: The Atlanta Falcons Dominate First Half (2:37). The Patriots Comeback/Falcons Collapse (7:33). The Falcons 4th Quarter Play-Calling (16:30). The Inevitable Patriots Touchdown In Overtime (22:30). Tom Brady As the Greatest Quarterback Of All-Time (26:40). The Devastating Loss For The Falcons (29:30). Roger Federer-Rafael Nadal 2017 Australian Open Finals (34:00). Carmelo Anthony Trade Speculation (39:30).
SoundCloud Podcast Homepage: https://soundcloud.com/ctellallsports
Friday, January 13, 2017
Telling It All Podcast With Tanner Crouch - 2016-2017 NBA Mid-Season Overview
Topics Include: What Has Gone Wrong For The Orlando Magic/Minnesota Timberwolves (1:20)? Cleveland Cavaliers Mid-Season Overview (7:50). Possible Toronto Raptors/Boston Celtics Playoff Series (9:40). Tough Decisions For The Atlanta Hawks/New York Knicks (16:10). The Growing Legend Of Joel Embiid (23:45). Golden State Warriors/San Antonio Spurs Mid-Season Overview (28:15). The Houston Rockets Offensive Efficiency (34:16). James Harden/Russell Westbrook MVP Race (39:42). NBA Speed Round (43:10).
SoundCloud Podcast Homepage: https://soundcloud.com/ctellallsports
Tuesday, October 25, 2016
Telling It All Podcast With Tanner Crouch - 2016-2017 NBA Season Preview
Topics Include: Cleveland Cavaliers Season Outlook (4:30). Boston Celtics As A Threat To The Cavs (8:45). Toronto Raptors/Detroit Pistons/Atlanta Hawks Season Preview (13:30). The Promise Of The Indiana Pacers (19:25). Tanner's Orlando Magic Homer Prediction (22:35). Golden State Warriors Season Outlook (31:40). Russell Westbrook's Revenge Tour (36:45). Utah Jazz/Houston Rockets/Portland Trail Blazers Season Preview (39:30). The Minnesota Timberwolves Taking A Leap (43:15). NBA Awards Predictions (47:30).
SoundCloud Podcast Homepage: https://soundcloud.com/ctellallsports
Tuesday, August 16, 2016
Sometimes It's Just A Game - Sports Diplomacy In The 21st Century
In
1959, during the height of the Cold War, the Harlem Globetrotters took a trip to the USSR to entertain Soviet
basketball spectators. The goodwill tour was representative of how international
sporting events can paradoxically bring nations together, while at the same time still driving them apart through nationalistic self-promotion. While the Globetrotters went
to the USSR to dissipate the tension between the superpowers through the entertainment and levity of sports, their trip still
reproduced American hypersensitivity to Soviet propaganda of US race relations,
and showed the desire of the United States to assert its cultural and sporting superiority
abroad. The trip reflected a politically conscious effort by the US to present
the black players on the squad, like Wilt Chamberlain, as contributing to American exceptionalism, rather than as
figures subject to the nation’s racial abuse.
Sports diplomacy in the 21st
century can be understood as an emblematic prefiguration of international
cohesion, but a force that cannot bring tangible changes to global politics.
National rebranding through international sporting events, like the Olympics
and World Cup, mirror how sports paradoxically transcend, and yet also further national
stereotypes. While sports diplomacy and international sporting events can act
as a symbolic pretense of the breakdown of political barriers and as
re-defining a national image and identity, sports in and of themselves cannot
create substantive international harmony, or improve the lives of ordinary
citizens.
Sports diplomacy can act as a symptomatic representation of common ground between nations, and athletic events can manifest themselves as a symbolic forum for the beginning of international understanding. The love of sports can universalize the human experience, as Sharon Robinson noted her gratitude for “the unifying game of baseball” because it highlights the common interests of nations. By bringing teams together in a sporting venue, countries intrinsically recognize the legitimacy of the other country on the field, and simultaneously acknowledge their national identity while still reproducing international commonalities.
When the Tampa Bay Rays played the Cuban National Team with Barack Obama and Raul Castro in attendance, the willingness of the United States team and the President to take the field with the Cubans implicitly symbolized American attempts to normalize relations with Cuba. Obama's deputy national security advisor for strategic communication and speechwriting, Ben Rhodes, said, “Baseball is part of both of our heritages, and part of the type of exchanges we are pursuing in business, in culture, in the arts, in sports.” The nations' love for baseball acted as a symbolic illustration of political attempts to reconcile the countries. Sharon Robinson reflected how the fan’s sense of hope, because of Obama’s presence at a shared national pastime, “struck [her] as a sign of the beginning of a changing Cuba.”
Rob Manfred’s desire for a legal path for Cubans to play in the MLB without defecting serves as a representative framework for a new dialogue with Cuba that moves away from a practice where, as Dave Zirin said on TSN Winnipeg 1290 Radio, “Cubans are separated from their families and delinked from their home.” Thus, the US and Cuba used a sport that binds the countries to serve as a representation of political diplomacy.
However, while sports diplomacy can act as an emblematic demonstration of international understanding, athletic events do not irrevocably change the longstanding conflict between national officials. Michael Rubin referenced in his article in the magazine Foreign Policy how “President Franklin Roosevelt had granted Hitler legitimacy by having the U.S. Team participate in his Olympics [in Berlin in 1936].” Even if President Obama's main intention in Cuba was to merely “bury the last remnant of the Cold War” and begin negotiations with the nation, by sitting with Castro at such a public spectacle, Obama legitimized the exceedingly precarious elements of the Cuban regime. Rubin added “Athletic contests can’t bring rogue states in from the cold… when the final whistle blows, the lights dim, and competitors break their final handshakes, it is the same politicians who remain in charge.”
Although politics and political regimes
are reproduced through sporting institutions, sports themselves cannot
construct international harmony because they are subject to political structures.
Therefore, sports are politicized through symbolic codifications, but can only
make social change in conjunction with politics.
While the baseball game in Cuba may have personified an attempt at international convergence through sports, the athletic event did not change the nature of the Castro political dictatorship. Sports cannot transcend politics because sports are inherently political, as Cuban descendant Dan LeBatard wrote, "I'm not in the mood to play ball with a dictator who still has the blood of our people on his hands.” While sports may not actively bring about political change, the public still paradoxically imbues athletics with symbolic political implications, and the game in Cuba may have also implicitly desensitized the past torment of the Castro regime.
Hosting international sporting events project the conscious effort of a state to disseminate specific images of their nationhood and act as an extension of governmental identity politics. By putting a nation’s capabilities in front of the world, organizing a global athletic competition inherently assigns an immediate mythic grandeur to the host nation. It also re-defines previous external perceptions of the country’s organizational competency, and implicitly effects how other nations perceive them.
Rook Campbell said about the World Cup in South Africa in 2010, “The World Cup helped outlay a nation branding legacy in which a post-apartheid South Africa could show itself as truly democratic global power.” The value of the World Cup to South Africa was how other nations saw the event as a legitimization of the progress of the state from its internationally unaccepted past. Campbell added that the event “was celebrated as both a national and continental opportunity to correct stereotypes and forge new stature.” The World Cup acted as a symbolic divide between the state and the vestiges of apartheid, and shaped a nationalistic identity apart from racial oppression.
While hosting an international sporting event may act as a symbolic representation of a nation’s re-branding in global politics, it does not ensure actual structural changes to the nation on the ground. In the past, global sporting events have come at the expense of public facilities for the nation’s ordinary citizens. Even the public transportation in South Africa that was developed for the World Cup or received more funding because of the tournament, like the transit railway system Gautrain, are as Andrew Harding said in the BBC, "priced out of the reach of most South Africans, and highly controversial new tolls on the motorways mean drivers are still paying for the renovations.”
Sporting events may temporarily act as a shrine to national identity, but once
the glow of the event is over, ordinary citizens are left with the brunt of the
event’s cost. The protests in Brazil against the World Cup showed how the
commercialization of a sporting event as national rebranding, regardless of the
costs, removes it from being the “people’s cup.” Sporting events further the
marginalization of a nation’s democratic masses, and often act as a symbol of
national progress rather than actually helping to bring it about.
![]() |
| The Globetrotters met with Soviet Leader Nikita Khrushchev during their trip to the USSR. |
Sports diplomacy can act as a symptomatic representation of common ground between nations, and athletic events can manifest themselves as a symbolic forum for the beginning of international understanding. The love of sports can universalize the human experience, as Sharon Robinson noted her gratitude for “the unifying game of baseball” because it highlights the common interests of nations. By bringing teams together in a sporting venue, countries intrinsically recognize the legitimacy of the other country on the field, and simultaneously acknowledge their national identity while still reproducing international commonalities.
When the Tampa Bay Rays played the Cuban National Team with Barack Obama and Raul Castro in attendance, the willingness of the United States team and the President to take the field with the Cubans implicitly symbolized American attempts to normalize relations with Cuba. Obama's deputy national security advisor for strategic communication and speechwriting, Ben Rhodes, said, “Baseball is part of both of our heritages, and part of the type of exchanges we are pursuing in business, in culture, in the arts, in sports.” The nations' love for baseball acted as a symbolic illustration of political attempts to reconcile the countries. Sharon Robinson reflected how the fan’s sense of hope, because of Obama’s presence at a shared national pastime, “struck [her] as a sign of the beginning of a changing Cuba.”
Rob Manfred’s desire for a legal path for Cubans to play in the MLB without defecting serves as a representative framework for a new dialogue with Cuba that moves away from a practice where, as Dave Zirin said on TSN Winnipeg 1290 Radio, “Cubans are separated from their families and delinked from their home.” Thus, the US and Cuba used a sport that binds the countries to serve as a representation of political diplomacy.
However, while sports diplomacy can act as an emblematic demonstration of international understanding, athletic events do not irrevocably change the longstanding conflict between national officials. Michael Rubin referenced in his article in the magazine Foreign Policy how “President Franklin Roosevelt had granted Hitler legitimacy by having the U.S. Team participate in his Olympics [in Berlin in 1936].” Even if President Obama's main intention in Cuba was to merely “bury the last remnant of the Cold War” and begin negotiations with the nation, by sitting with Castro at such a public spectacle, Obama legitimized the exceedingly precarious elements of the Cuban regime. Rubin added “Athletic contests can’t bring rogue states in from the cold… when the final whistle blows, the lights dim, and competitors break their final handshakes, it is the same politicians who remain in charge.”
![]() |
| President Obama was the first US President to visit Cuba while in office since Calvin Coolidge in 1928. |
While the baseball game in Cuba may have personified an attempt at international convergence through sports, the athletic event did not change the nature of the Castro political dictatorship. Sports cannot transcend politics because sports are inherently political, as Cuban descendant Dan LeBatard wrote, "I'm not in the mood to play ball with a dictator who still has the blood of our people on his hands.” While sports may not actively bring about political change, the public still paradoxically imbues athletics with symbolic political implications, and the game in Cuba may have also implicitly desensitized the past torment of the Castro regime.
Hosting international sporting events project the conscious effort of a state to disseminate specific images of their nationhood and act as an extension of governmental identity politics. By putting a nation’s capabilities in front of the world, organizing a global athletic competition inherently assigns an immediate mythic grandeur to the host nation. It also re-defines previous external perceptions of the country’s organizational competency, and implicitly effects how other nations perceive them.
Rook Campbell said about the World Cup in South Africa in 2010, “The World Cup helped outlay a nation branding legacy in which a post-apartheid South Africa could show itself as truly democratic global power.” The value of the World Cup to South Africa was how other nations saw the event as a legitimization of the progress of the state from its internationally unaccepted past. Campbell added that the event “was celebrated as both a national and continental opportunity to correct stereotypes and forge new stature.” The World Cup acted as a symbolic divide between the state and the vestiges of apartheid, and shaped a nationalistic identity apart from racial oppression.
While hosting an international sporting event may act as a symbolic representation of a nation’s re-branding in global politics, it does not ensure actual structural changes to the nation on the ground. In the past, global sporting events have come at the expense of public facilities for the nation’s ordinary citizens. Even the public transportation in South Africa that was developed for the World Cup or received more funding because of the tournament, like the transit railway system Gautrain, are as Andrew Harding said in the BBC, "priced out of the reach of most South Africans, and highly controversial new tolls on the motorways mean drivers are still paying for the renovations.”
![]() |
| "Soccer City" in Johannesburg is one of many World Cup Stadiums in South Africa that cannot cover its operating costs. |
Friday, August 5, 2016
Telling It All Podcast - MLB Trade Deadline, Russell Westbrook, The Night Of, Mr. Robot, Jason Bourne, Nerve
Topics Include: Trades By The Cleveland Indians and Texas Rangers/American League Pennant Favorites (1:20). Trades By The New York Mets, Chicago Cubs, San Francisco Giants, Washington Nationals/National League Pennant Favorites (6:40). Russell Westbrook's Contract Extension (9:30). The Night Of/American Criminal Justice System (16:10). Mr. Robot's Second Season Struggles (24:15). "Oh my God... It's Jason Bourne" (28:35). Rory's Trip To Watch Nerve (31:45).
SoundCloud Podcast Homepage: https://soundcloud.com/ctellallsports
Monday, July 11, 2016
Telling It All Podcast With Ben Goodman - Euro 2016 Final, NBA Free Agency
Topics Include: Cristiano Ronaldo's Injury (1:00). Portugal's Defensive Unit (4:15). Didier Deschamps Criticism (7:45). Portugal's Euro 2016 Run (11:45). The NBA Salary Cap Jump (18:15). Kevin Durant Going To The Golden State Warriors (21:30). New York Knicks Off-Season Moves (32:30). Dwyane Wade Leaving The Miami Heat (33:45).
SoundCloud Podcast Homepage: https://soundcloud.com/ctellallsports
Sunday, May 29, 2016
Telling It All Podcast With Richard Tell - Thunder-Warriors Western Conference Finals Game 6, Real Madrid-Atletico Madrid Champions League Final, The Nice Guys
Topics Include: Golden State Warriors - Oklahoma City Thunder Game 6 Breakdown (0:45). Pittsburgh Penguins - San Jose Sharks Stanley Cup Finals Preview (13:10). Warriors - Thunder Game 7 Predictions (15:50). Real Madrid - Atletico Madrid Champions League Final (17:00). The Nice Guys Movie Review (27:35).
SoundCloud Podcast Homepage: https://soundcloud.com/ctellallsports
Friday, May 13, 2016
Telling It All Podcast - Leicester City's Title Run, Clayton Kershaw, Warriors-Thunder Western Conference Finals, ESports, Game of Thrones
Topics Include: An Ode To Leicester City's Championship Run (1:15). Clayton Kershaw's Dominance (10:40). Tim Duncan's Possible Retirement (16:45). Warriors-Thunder Western Conference Finals Preview (19:10). The Growth of ESports (24:20). Game of Thrones Discussion (30:15).
Shaq squares off against Thorin on Inside the NBA.
SoundCloud Podcast Homepage: https://soundcloud.com/ctellallsports
Thursday, April 14, 2016
Trigger Fingers Turn To Twitter Fingers: Sports In The Digital Age
On June 30, 1962, Sandy Koufax threw the first of his four career no-hitters for the Los Angeles Dodgers against the New York Mets. Recorded baseball was so primitive at the time that only a
single radio version of the game remains today for fans to relive the experience. More than 30 years later, when NBC cut away from game 5 of the Rockets-Knicks NBA Finals to follow the O.J. Simpson car chase in 1994, nobody outside of the arena knew what was happening on the court.
However, the technological revolution of the 21st century has created a more accessible viewing experience for fans at the game, and for those watching at home. The availability of sports data has allowed for more inclusive online sports fandom, and social media and massage boards have contributed to the continual reproduction of the sporting spectacle.
Despite individuals increasingly feeling associated with an online sporting community through social media, sports in the digital age remain reliant on the construction of heroic sporting narratives. While social media does not ostensibly exclude fans from the sporting sphere as much as it did in the past, it upholds a groupthink ideology that marginalizes opinions outside of the collective norm. Overall, social media and new sporting technology have allowed fans to establish a connection with each other and better understand the game, and for the players, new data has emphasized certain sporting techniques to perform at a higher level, but created ambiguity over who controls, and releases, technological data.
The data revolution has allowed sports teams to use wearable technologies to track player movement and apply health standards to regulate their physical activity. Teams have attempted to use data analysis to improve performance and keep players healthy, and biometrics have allowed players to use the data as a reference point for their physical activity. Player Position Tracking is penetrating all the professional sports, especially basketball and soccer, because the technology has given athletes a way to monitor themselves.
The proliferation of tracking technology has
caused an ethical dilemma over the right of employers to have too much
information about their employees. Teams blood testing their
athletes, or tracking their sleeping patterns, can easily be construed as invasive labor practices.
Moreover, the ownership and transparency of sports data could inhibit player’s
earning power and freedom of mobility if teams use exclusive data gathering capabilities to
limit their off-court activity or to manipulate their salaries in contract
negotiations (agents are already deeply concerned about this potential).
Wolfram Klug contented in an article in The Guardian, "The wider stakeholders stand to benefit as much, if not more, from analytics than the players themselves.” Player’s privacy, and fairness concerns over how teams use the new sports technology, have been exacerbated by the fact that employers can sell their confidential data material for commercial benefits. Klug noted that teams should partner with “technology providers with a commitment to being transparent and acting ethically,” because of the moral ambiguities over data control. Teams may complicate the situation by distributing information to fans to ostensibly improve their experience, even though the data infringes on player’s rights.
In the pre-digital age, public engagement with sports through the radio or television medium constructed a circumscribed subjectivity of the individual viewer. Without social media to allow for fan expressionism or interaction beyond the sporting venue itself, sports fans were objectified through their subjugation to a narrowly contrived heteronormative, gendered identity of fandom. In Jeffrey Montez's Discipline and Indulgence, in a chapter of the book titled "The Best Seat in the Ballpark: Lifestyle and the Televisual Event," he said, “This [television] genre produced male sports fans as crucial objects of their technical narratives, but objects all the same.” Fans consumed sports through specifically delineated sporting spheres, restricting their access to athletes merely through a controlled and externally constructed media imagery that objectified their experience.
However, fans over the last decade have directly interacted with athletes, and each other, through new digital technology. Maxwell Neely-Cohen referenced Durga Chew-Bose’s observation in The New Republic that, “Sports for so long were actually not inclusive… but [for] NBA Twitter fans, it’s almost, dare I say, it’s wholesome.” Social media has allowed for the creation of online fan groups that transcribe the traditional sporting spheres into online communities, especially subcultures like NBA twitter. Cohen added that through social media the NBA “promotes itself inevitably, a self-replicating monster.” Since most people have digital technology, Twitter allows the league to reproduce its sporting spectacle for a more democratized fan base.
Amy Bass said in her book, Not The Triumph But The Struggle, track stars John Carlos and Tommie Smith “needed a space for people to see them represented in the public eye," which was only available to them during the 1968 Summer Olympics. Athletes today have a platform to speak directly to the public whenever they want. Overt political statements, like when the Miami Heat wore hoodies in solidarity with Trayvon Martin, have entered the public consciousness because of the mobility of images through Twitter. Since consumers derive their socially constructed identity from what they consume and follow, sports fans have refracted their sense of self through the accessibility they have to the actions of their favorite players or teams. As such revered figures, athletes can actively shape public discourse over political topics.
However,
social media has allowed fans to interact with others that confirm their
opinions, rather than challenge them. Cohen said, “On Twitter, each basketball fan gets to curate their own assemblage of voices.” The ability of an individual
to tailor thoughts to a specific audience paradoxically allows them to interact
with a specific subculture, and yet, still secludes them from experiencing
dissenting opinions through a conscious social media filtering.
Just as fans were once objectified by the television experience, as Montez said, “There is an objectified status of television sports fandom,” fans have lost their individuality by allowing groupthink on Twitter to formulate their subjectivity. As an argument solidifies itself on Twitter, and a mob mentality justifies the prescribed conventional wisdom, thoughts outside of the collective norm become ostracized. As sports media members tweeted their disdain over Cam Newton’s post-Super Bowl press conference, conformity to that opinion became the standard judgment, rather than an individual appraisal of the situation. Twitter facilitates an arena where the first opinion becomes sanctified as fact, regardless of how individuals conceive of that viewpoint. Sometimes first is not always best.
Moreover, due to the feeling of impunity online, social media has become a vacuum for societal negativity, such as when Michigan punter Blake O'Neill received death threats for his costly fumble against Michigan State.
The growth of sports documentaries in recent years has reflected a demand for stories that create a heroic imagery of the athlete in the digital age. ESPN staffer Connor Schell advised, “Sit people down and tell them a good story.” Documentaries like ESPN’s You Don’t Know Bo have consciously told a story that glorifies the sporting subject to compel the viewer towards classifying athletes as mythic paradigms. The conflation of reality and heroic narrative is not confined to modern day, as Michael Oriard said in his book Brand NFL, the original “NFL Films has sustained a sense of mythic grandeur in decidedly antimythic times." However, television networks today have even more incentive for documentaries that create a mythical athletic identity because they need a compelling story to fill their air time. These stories have reproduced the sporting spectacle to create an athletic pageantry infused with a dramatized, and often masculine, narrative of success.
However, the technological revolution of the 21st century has created a more accessible viewing experience for fans at the game, and for those watching at home. The availability of sports data has allowed for more inclusive online sports fandom, and social media and massage boards have contributed to the continual reproduction of the sporting spectacle.
Despite individuals increasingly feeling associated with an online sporting community through social media, sports in the digital age remain reliant on the construction of heroic sporting narratives. While social media does not ostensibly exclude fans from the sporting sphere as much as it did in the past, it upholds a groupthink ideology that marginalizes opinions outside of the collective norm. Overall, social media and new sporting technology have allowed fans to establish a connection with each other and better understand the game, and for the players, new data has emphasized certain sporting techniques to perform at a higher level, but created ambiguity over who controls, and releases, technological data.
The data revolution has allowed sports teams to use wearable technologies to track player movement and apply health standards to regulate their physical activity. Teams have attempted to use data analysis to improve performance and keep players healthy, and biometrics have allowed players to use the data as a reference point for their physical activity. Player Position Tracking is penetrating all the professional sports, especially basketball and soccer, because the technology has given athletes a way to monitor themselves.
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| The Seattle Sounders use wearable tracking devices to monitor their players during practice. |
Wolfram Klug contented in an article in The Guardian, "The wider stakeholders stand to benefit as much, if not more, from analytics than the players themselves.” Player’s privacy, and fairness concerns over how teams use the new sports technology, have been exacerbated by the fact that employers can sell their confidential data material for commercial benefits. Klug noted that teams should partner with “technology providers with a commitment to being transparent and acting ethically,” because of the moral ambiguities over data control. Teams may complicate the situation by distributing information to fans to ostensibly improve their experience, even though the data infringes on player’s rights.
In the pre-digital age, public engagement with sports through the radio or television medium constructed a circumscribed subjectivity of the individual viewer. Without social media to allow for fan expressionism or interaction beyond the sporting venue itself, sports fans were objectified through their subjugation to a narrowly contrived heteronormative, gendered identity of fandom. In Jeffrey Montez's Discipline and Indulgence, in a chapter of the book titled "The Best Seat in the Ballpark: Lifestyle and the Televisual Event," he said, “This [television] genre produced male sports fans as crucial objects of their technical narratives, but objects all the same.” Fans consumed sports through specifically delineated sporting spheres, restricting their access to athletes merely through a controlled and externally constructed media imagery that objectified their experience.
However, fans over the last decade have directly interacted with athletes, and each other, through new digital technology. Maxwell Neely-Cohen referenced Durga Chew-Bose’s observation in The New Republic that, “Sports for so long were actually not inclusive… but [for] NBA Twitter fans, it’s almost, dare I say, it’s wholesome.” Social media has allowed for the creation of online fan groups that transcribe the traditional sporting spheres into online communities, especially subcultures like NBA twitter. Cohen added that through social media the NBA “promotes itself inevitably, a self-replicating monster.” Since most people have digital technology, Twitter allows the league to reproduce its sporting spectacle for a more democratized fan base.
Amy Bass said in her book, Not The Triumph But The Struggle, track stars John Carlos and Tommie Smith “needed a space for people to see them represented in the public eye," which was only available to them during the 1968 Summer Olympics. Athletes today have a platform to speak directly to the public whenever they want. Overt political statements, like when the Miami Heat wore hoodies in solidarity with Trayvon Martin, have entered the public consciousness because of the mobility of images through Twitter. Since consumers derive their socially constructed identity from what they consume and follow, sports fans have refracted their sense of self through the accessibility they have to the actions of their favorite players or teams. As such revered figures, athletes can actively shape public discourse over political topics.
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| In 2012, players on the Miami Heat wore hoodies to show support for Trayvon Martin. |
Just as fans were once objectified by the television experience, as Montez said, “There is an objectified status of television sports fandom,” fans have lost their individuality by allowing groupthink on Twitter to formulate their subjectivity. As an argument solidifies itself on Twitter, and a mob mentality justifies the prescribed conventional wisdom, thoughts outside of the collective norm become ostracized. As sports media members tweeted their disdain over Cam Newton’s post-Super Bowl press conference, conformity to that opinion became the standard judgment, rather than an individual appraisal of the situation. Twitter facilitates an arena where the first opinion becomes sanctified as fact, regardless of how individuals conceive of that viewpoint. Sometimes first is not always best.
Moreover, due to the feeling of impunity online, social media has become a vacuum for societal negativity, such as when Michigan punter Blake O'Neill received death threats for his costly fumble against Michigan State.
The growth of sports documentaries in recent years has reflected a demand for stories that create a heroic imagery of the athlete in the digital age. ESPN staffer Connor Schell advised, “Sit people down and tell them a good story.” Documentaries like ESPN’s You Don’t Know Bo have consciously told a story that glorifies the sporting subject to compel the viewer towards classifying athletes as mythic paradigms. The conflation of reality and heroic narrative is not confined to modern day, as Michael Oriard said in his book Brand NFL, the original “NFL Films has sustained a sense of mythic grandeur in decidedly antimythic times." However, television networks today have even more incentive for documentaries that create a mythical athletic identity because they need a compelling story to fill their air time. These stories have reproduced the sporting spectacle to create an athletic pageantry infused with a dramatized, and often masculine, narrative of success.
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